TRIALS, TRIBULATIONS AND TRIUMPHS OF CHAMPIONS

The Murrays show a beastly reaction toward nemesis during Andy’s four set win

Andy Murray marched on towards a little bit of tennis history, maybe not with the spring in his step that had characterised his almost seamless progress through the Australian Open, but with resolve and confidence after going to a fourth set against brave but weary challenger, Marin Cilic, for the first time in the tournament.

Murray won 3-6, 6-4, 6-4, 6-2 in three hours and two minutes, recovering from an uncertain start when neither his serve nor his ground strokes hit a rhythm.

In the final game he sprinted on the forehand side to clip an impossible winner that left a drained Cilic and the Rod Laver Arena dumbfounded.

"Honestly," he said later, "I actually practise this shot quite a lot in training. I never realised my mouth is so big. It was a great shot. I managed to turn it in."

Cilic at first showed few signs of his arduous battle to get to the semi-finals, and looked intent on going for a quick kill. He probably sensed that the longer it went, the more likely he was to struggle against an opponent who is a master of the counter-punch.

He played some thrilling individual winners but it was his all-round court management that impressed. He was under pressure after that shaky beginning but did not panic.

The end was marked by a bizarre court invasion by an ardent Cilic fan waving a Croatian flag. This marvellously gifted player had given his all, but it was marginally short of good enough in the end. They seem destined to be meeting each other at the highest level for many years to come.

Australian Open finalist played down the pressure of a chance to be the first British man to win a Grand Slam in 75 years. In the end, Murray's first-serve percentage with Federer dwindled and his tears at the end of the game showed how much emotional energy he had put into the fortnight, however, failed to bring his captivating previous forms when it mattered, then more grand slam finals beckon. I felt, with all my tennis pro substandard, I could play better than him, in the local tennis clubs comps people use to calling me Yannick Noah, the 80s flamboyant French tennis star famous for his flying dreadlocks and his deadly forehand. Somehow, my backhand is the best not deadliest.

     Noah won the 1983 French Open Against Wilander

No wonder I felt so humiliated for Murray sitting there and watching him demolished. Murray’s lost the open 6-3, 6-4, 7-6 and gave Roger Federer his fourth Melbourne triumph and 16th Slam.

Murray made the mistake against him of sticking rigidly to a pre-match plan to hammer Federer's backhand, his perceived if negligible weakness; he also remained hypnotised for long stretches on the baseline, faltering in mind and foot as Federer drained him of the certainty that had been welling up in Murray over six impressive matches.

Thus fascinated, the young Scot transformed from opponent to target. Despite the struggle of the long third set, this was among Federer's most impressive slam victories, even tougher than in New York. Defeat for the second time by the player he continually refers to as "the best player of all time" exposed a critical flaw in Murray's developing game, a reluctance – deep-rooted in his DNA – to scream mouth open, even in extremes. He will not have heard, of course, the millions screaming at their TV sets as he declined one juicy volley after another.

Again, at Roland Garros, this time no need to go into detail of Murray’s success and disappointment as we have witnessed his past experiences crawling up on him. Murray getting so close in another Grand Slam, missing out is tough to take, in the French Open semi-finals and lost to Nadal 6-4, 7-5, 6-4. If and only if screaming could have saved the Murray family a Grand Slam, no other player would have a chance to survive them.

Then came, home game, Wimbledon, he shattered the tough Croat Ivan Ljubicic 6-4, 4-6, 6-1, 7-6 (7-4), to reach the fourth round, in two hours and 56 minutes under the Centre Court, carrying the captivated gathering with him.

Ljubicic, a former world Number 3 now residing at 33 in the rankings, did his part with a big serve and some sizzling ground strokes in the first two sets before Murray blew him off the court in the third. The fourth was another struggle. Nobody present could complain they did not get their money's worth, because to witness the ups and downs of Murray’s (past) match invariably is to share a psychological journey through joy, anxiety and ultimate relief. In the tie-break, at the play's peak, he prevailed with determination and flair.

Earlier, Murray showed a sizzling performance crushing Richard Gasquet 7-6, 6-3, 6-2 and in the fourth round impressively looked serious contender for his first Grand Slam sending home the Spaniard Feliciano Lopez 6-3 6-4 6-4, but knows he will have to improve if he is to keep British hope to beat another Lopez’s compatriot, Nadal, in the semi-finals, who was comfortable in disposing, unfortunately, the last remaining, tenth seeded American, Mardy Fish, 6-3, 6-3, 5-7, 6-4.

Murray might have conquered Lopez but the Spaniards are not surrendered yet when the remaining world number one, Nadal, blasted the unimproved General Andy Murray  5-7, 6-2, 6-2, 6-4 to make sure the resurgence of British Empire well and truly dead and cremated. The Brits tenacious performance to reach the semi-final haunted him, again, to capitalize when it mattered just like his Australian Open poor performance against Federer.

The Spaniard was relentless crushing Murray denying his first crown and the nation’s hope to regain the dominance after 75 years draught.    

I equally enjoyed watching the rise of the Djoker. Australian Open champion Novak Djokovic arrived at Wimbledon with questions over his frame of mind as he prepared for his first tournament since his remarkable 43-match winning run was brought to an end by Federer at the French Open.

The second seed clinched a gritty 6-2 3-6 6-3 7-5 victory over Australian, promising future hope, qualifier, practicing partner, labelled as the giant killer kid, Bernard Tomic who will have made Australia proud to consider becoming a republic, maybe, had he made to the semi-finals and crushed the Brit.  

Djokovic’s next opponent was none other than the crowd pleaser and the charismatic amiable France's Jo-Wilfried Tsonga who sent six-time champion Roger Federer spinning to a landmark defeat to set-up a semi-final showdown.

Tsonga bludgeoned Federer to a sensational 3-6 6-7 (3-7) 6-4 6-4 6-4 loss, condemning the Swiss to his first defeat in a Grand Slam when holding a two sets to love lead.

Tsonga said, "He's the biggest champion in the sport. He has achieved so much and is the best player in the world. To be two sets down and come back was unbelievable. I served really well." Yes he did!

However, here we go again! the giant killer fell short of all his might use against Federer to hand the crown easily to the new world number one aspirant, Novak Djokovic, in a humiliating fashion losing 7-6, 6-2, 6-7, 6-3. Tsonga lost all his will-power performance that ousted, “the best player of all time”, Roger Federer. Even though he trounced Tsonga, I am sure that Novak would have preferred to play Federer just to show him that he is the new champion of tennis.

The usually flamboyant Tsonga was outclassed and lost his nerves and serves, piling unforced errors, couldn’t match the powerful and brilliant shot positioning rally and unreturnable serves of the determined Serbian who set-up an epic final to end Nadal’s seven years domination of the top ranking.

Then came the moment everyone was yearning for, the final match, play and game between two of the best players, Nadal and Djokovic.

 Novak Djokovic, who will become the world No.1 irrespective of the result, showed his new status was richly deserved by claiming his third Grand Slam title after winning 48 of his 49 game matches. Stunning!

He captured his first Wimbledon title with a 6-4 6-1 1-6 6-3 win over defending champion and world no.1 Nadal in a captivating final.

The Serbian's superb movement and clean hitting from the back of the court proved too much for the Spaniard.

The Serb had the better of the opening set, finally grabbing an advantage at the business end and the Spaniard started to make uncharacteristic mistakes.

My heart is filled with joy for Djokovic's amazing build up to victory, I am one of his fans and this really is a great day for all enthusiasts.

He has a fantastic attitude and deserved this title every bit and Serbia can be proud of what he has achieved in his very young career.

He is a real champion and will carry on with unabating hunger to add more titles to his trophy cabinet.   

For the women’s tennis, the equally charismatic and exuberant Williams sisters should know that their presences have been missed which could have added spice to the all lacklustre game of the remaining contenders.

This is a short biography of the Williams sisters.



Defiant in the face of adversity & the rivalry between the two sisters didn’t hinder their aspirations of Olympic and Grand Slam Tennis Champions of the world in singles and doubles.

Both Professional tennis players, Serena was born September 26, 1981 and her older sister, Venus June 17, 1980, in Saginaw, Michigan, and the Williams took the tennis world by storm beginning in the late 1990s. The sisters harnessed their powerful groundstrokes and booming serves to rise in the rankings in both women’s singles and doubles competitions. Coached by their outspoken father, Richard Williams, Venus and Serena have been credited with raising public awareness of their sport and with bringing the women’s tennis game to a whole new level of power, athleticism and RE-SPE-CT.

2002 and 2003 was the year of Serenity. Serena bested Venus each time in their four consecutive Grand Slam finals, the only siblings in the history of the sport to do so. In all, Serena has won eight Grand Slam singles titles and an Olympic gold medal in women's doubles (2000 & 2008), which she shares with her sister. The pair didn't enter the doubles competition in, 2004, Athens because Serena was hurt at the time.

Serena’s 27 Grand Slam titles places her ninth on the all-time list: 13 in singles, 12 in women's doubles, and 2 in mixed doubles. She is the most recent player, male or female, to have held all four Grand Slam singles titles simultaneously and only the fifth woman in history to do so. She was also the first woman to hold all four Grand Slam doubles titles simultaneously since Martina Hingis did so in 1998 (with sister Venus Williams).

Her 13 Grand Slam singles titles are sixth on the all-time list and she has won more Grand Slam titles in singles, women's doubles, and mixed doubles than any other active female player.

Williams has won two Olympic gold medals in women's doubles and she has won more career prize money than any other female athlete in history. The pair has won 12 Grand Slam doubles titles together.

Serena defeated Venus in the finals of the French Open, Wimbledon and the US Open. The string of victories propelled the younger sibling to the top of WTA tour rankings, with Venus dropping to second place.

Despite her impressive record and growing confidence, Venus had yet to achieve the accolade she had dreamed about her whole life: a Grand Slam victory. Her younger sister, Serena, whom their father had once claimed would be the better player of the two, reached that goal first, when she won the 1999 U.S. Open.

Venus became the World No. 1 for the first time on February 25, 2002, becoming the first black woman to achieve this success during the open era.

Her 21 Grand Slam titles ties her for twelfth on the all-time list and is more than any other active female player except for her younger sister Serena Williams. Venus Williams' titles consist of seven in singles, twelve in women's doubles, and two in mixed doubles.

Williams has won three Olympic gold medals, one in singles and two in women's doubles and she has won more Olympic gold medals than any other female tennis player. At the 2000 Sydney Olympics, Williams became only the second player to win Olympic gold medals in both singles and doubles at the same Olympic Games.

Venus Williams has played against her sister Serena Williams in 23 professional matches since 1998, with Serena winning 13 of them. They have played against each other in eight Grand Slam singles finals, with Serena winning six times.

Despite the inevitable rivalry, the Williams sisters remain close friends. Raised as devout Jehovah’s Witnesses, both were home-schooled by their mother, and have received their high school diplomas. In 1999, Serena joined her sister at the Art Institute of Florida, where they studied fashion design. Known for her flamboyant fashion choices on the court, Serena has launched her own line for Puma and Nike, as well as a designer clothing line called Aneres, which is "Serena" spelled backward and sister Venus is now the CEO of her own interior design firm, V Starr Interiors, residential & commercial interior designers located in the Palm Beach, Florida. Good Luck Gurls!

In 2011 Wimbledon, seven years after her stunning triumph, over Serena, as a 17-year-old, Maria Sharapova was playing her best tennis and looked aiming to crown her career resurrection with a second Wimbledon title.

It's Sharapova's first appearance in a grand slam final since the shoulder injury in 2008 which threatened to derail her career.

Sharapova became an international sensation following her straight-sets victory over Serena Williams in the 2004 Wimbledon final, her beauty, confidence and on-court scream making her a marketing dream.

The world's highest paid sportswoman met dangerous first-time grand slam challenger Petra Kvitova in a title decider game at the All England Club.

Wow! Wow! Who would have believed that, except those who have watched Andy Murray’s successive loss of opportunities? 

The Czech eighth seed Petra Kvitova (who?) stunned everyone including the finalist, Maria Sharapova, to win her first Grand Slam title in only two sets 6-3, 6-4 by trouncing her with unbelievable groundstrokes and big swinging forehands. That’s how champions play in finals with absolute determination. Boy! O! Boy! That was really good.

Equally Sharapova was impressive to come back with improved speed around the court but not the quickest, Kvitova was everywhere like, I remember, (“Rabbit”, Wendy Turnbull), former Australian player. Sharapova was also in perfect physical shape and looked needless to say glamorous.

Kvitova was maybe unknown for this year’s Wimbledon but has now become a household name and she will be around for a long time.

She reminds me so much of what Sharapova did to Serena Williams in 2004. Serena was the more experienced player when Sharapova came into that final being the underdog.

Like Andy Murray, she will be so disappointed for not doing so well in the final and it will be a tough loss to forget for a long time.

Honestly, apart from her determination to come back to tennis, her heavy grunting was deafening for the spectators and those watching her on screen let alone did nothing to save her, and without the Williams sisters the Championship looked gloomy and bleak.

What is Australia Day?

This may not come as a surprise or hypocrisy to some people who know me that I’m wearing “Aussie! Aussie! Aussie!” T-shirt, written in Australian flag colour, are rest assured this doesn’t translate to or in support of “Australia Day”. It is an issue also worth mentioning that in my own consciousness assessment instead of calling Australia Day an “Invasion Day”, should be re-considered or compromised by reconciliation as “Settlement Day” which wouldn’t convey resentment and isolation against the custodians of the land.

I think it is a disgrace that our national holiday occurs on a day that commemorates European settlement in Australia. I am deeply proud to be an Australian, and I think it is a very important thing to have one day in our year that we can sit back and be thankful to custodians of the land for the wonderful country that we live in. But it is a shame that our only real chance to do that is on the day that white people came to settle in Australia.

Reconciliation with the Aborigines, indigenous people, of Australia, both on a practical as well as a symbolic level is one of the major and most important issues facing our country over the next couple of decades. But a mindset that says that we should celebrate the birth of our nation on the date of the arrival of the first fleet, whether we like it or not, that’s Australia Day, is a mindset that alienates and increases the psychological and ideological gap between indigenous Australians and the rest of this nation. http://www.independentaustralia.net/2011/indigenous-australia/indigenous-recognition-must-remove-racism-from-constitution/ 

It’s time for this nation to grow up, there is a huge insularity, to recognise that not everything great that happened in Australia was brought about by European settlement, and to find a national day that can unite, rather than divide this beautiful and great nation of ours.

My other principal suggestion would be the most appropriate and practical thing to call it “Reconciliation Day” which coincides with the recent apology for the incarceration and discrimination of the indigenous people.

Dozens of member nations at the United Nations human rights review meeting recommended Australia to improve treatment of the indigenous people, to stop chasing them like cat and mouse and confining them in detention centres, in their own land, for resorting to alcohol feeling hopelessness, helplessness and mistreatment and instead to improve social inequalities and enact a comprehensive national human rights act. The review which carries out its reviews every four years on all member nations also urged Australia to abolish mandatory immigration detention of asylum seekers and urged to make augmented efforts to overcome indigenous disadvantage and lack of national human rights act specifically to recognise inequality mentioning a comprehensive human rights could contribute to the alleviation of poverty, economic disparity, disadvantage, promote a stronger, healthier, more inclusive, tolerant and accepting democratic society.

There is no stronger weapon against inequality and no better path to equal opportunity than an education that unravels our God given potential.

The word reconciliation alone is futile unless the government allow the indigenous people to rise out of their chronic disadvantage and state of despair to a state of social, educational, cultural, economic and spiritual wellbeing, while retaining their cultural distinctness.

Although it helps to have an accessible facility, Government programmes alone won’t help our children get to their promised expectations. First and foremost, we need a spiritual transformation, a new mindset, a new set of attitudes seeing each other as one group of humanity rather than filtering the ranks, races and powerlessness. No one has written our destiny for us. Each of us is already born with it regardless of its potential to achieve our goals in life.  It’s in our own hands to “use it or lose it”.

Change of Australian Government and its Flag

The true meaning of reconciliation must be grounded to bring the two heritages (Settlers and Indigenous) together to create a principled and inclusive government we all cherish- Australian Republic.

The Republic is a natural and inevitable development, but it should not preserve divisions or create new ones. An Australian Republic should unite our nation around a common understanding of our identity.

The Australian Constitution should also be changed. The British settler’s flag as a part of our flag is totally inappropriate. Canada is still a Commonwealth Country but has had their Identity Flag for a very long time. Australia like Canada has all the wealth, technology and abundant resources to stand on its feet and should amicably break free from the Royal (old) system and sustain its new identity.

I don’t have hatred against the wild & rough treatments that have happened over centuries ago out of ignorance and unfortunate & self-gratifying believes. This is now. We as a people must change and in doing so change our country for the better. There is nothing to worry about by changing the system and flag of your ancestry. You will be proud doing so and discover your true identity as an Australian-Republic of Australia. How long do you have to keep paying your money for the Royals thousand miles away?  C’mon Aussie C’mon, this is new generation, it’s our time! Time for Change!  It is way beyond the time for Australia to have our own identity and change of flag; it should have been changed during the centenary of the Federation in 2001.

I believe that a stable majority of Australians would support the idea that our country should not renounce her British heritage but affirm it, not only as a historical fact but as the basis for the continued development of our nation. The republican half of the electorate probably comprises a large number of people who oppose a repudiation of Australia’s British heritage, but see themselves as republicans because an Australian head of state is of great importance to them.

It is not a long-term solution that the monarchists narrowly defeated the republicans in referenda in 1999 and yet it appears that the monarchists have no strategy other than to repel the beasts the next time they assault the castle.

I was shocked to read the 1967 Referendum on Aboriginal Citizenship, on their own land, was passed by 92 per cent of the Australian electorate. The Monarch (Our) Constitution is one of the hardest in the world to change, because you need a majority of voters in a majority of the states, at least 80 to 90% of the country to support the Referendum.

To get this support you need to convince those people who usually vote for the National Party; rural, conservative and regional Australia of the need for change. It will take a great deal of advocacy to build the groundswell of support across the political spectrum for the Referendum to pass.

If you want Reconciliation and an Australian Republic on common ground for progressive change then conservative and regional Australia must first be convinced.

I say to you Australia, in the spirit of hope and progress, an Australian head of state for an Australian Republic that gives equal weight to Australia’s past, present and future is within our potential: a Republic that respects its British traditions through retention of the foundation stones of history; a Republic that honours and recognizes in law the rightful place of custodians of the land through a National Agreement on Aborigine's Rights and Responsibilities; a Republic that can proudly turn its face to the modern world and show we have become a beacon of Reconciliation in a world that genuinely needs us to be.

Like everyone else I am proud to call myself Australian and instigating the change that we need to create, a unique Australia, in order to call ourselves a self-reliant country. Here are some of my proposals calling change for different flag, Republic of Australia & New Australian Logo (Coat of Arms) that represent the countries distinctiveness; so, choose the best flag that represent our country. Feel free to comment or express your opinions.
          Click on images for larger view

Martin Luther King’s Inspiring Spirit Lives On

 Although I was familiar with the name Martin Luther King, Jr. during my teenage years in Ethiopia, I vaguely had a full understanding of either the man’s fascinating story or the level of his greatness.

I said vaguely because I still remember his story instilled in me by my US educated Ethiopian school teacher who was enormously saddened by his death and telling us his painstakingly fighting spirit for justice for black people in America. That understanding came to me, when I left my homeland because of political upheaval & uncertainty, during my school years while attending an American college.

When I was a young student, I had always been interested in reading and writing, I began to read many of Dr. King’s collections of speeches and writings. I have recorded every one of his documentaries, lest we forget VCRs, whenever shown on TV. Today, thanks to changes in technology, his speeches are easily found on YouTube. I love watching him speak from time to time to rejuvenate my hope and aspirations to go on in life without feeling overwhelmed by the difficulties in succeeding life’s challenges without disappointment. I also enjoyed reading every single of his prolific writings remarkably Letter from a Birmingham Jail & My Dear Fellow Clergymen by Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

I still remember the striking effect Dr. King’s 1963 letter had on my school teacher who was so grieved by his sudden death and millions attended the rally as I read it for the first time. It was an eye-opening document that put before me the suffering, humiliation, and struggle that African-Americans had to endure in order to attain justice, equality, and civil rights which I never knew.

The eloquence of the letter and its sobering content were simply captivating. I often read it again and again, as if Dr. King was speaking to me directly: “I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to live with the narrow, provincial “outside agitator” idea”.

Incredibly, I felt the letter was addressed to me and, at the same time, to every individual in every part of the world. I never anticipated that I would identify with Dr. King’s message so closely with such intensity. The letter prompted me to recall the reason so many of the diaspora Ethiopians and I abandoned the chronic political turmoil and persecutions in our own country and several people in many African nations. It provoked me to ponder on the grimness of life for African children and the unspeakable human rights violations that governments commit against their own people.

Nevertheless, like Dr. King, I tried to maintain an optimistic outlook as he did in the closing remarks of his extraordinary letter: “Let us all hope that the dark clouds of racial prejudice will soon pass away and the deep fog of misunderstanding will be lifted from our fear drenched communities, and in some not too distant tomorrow the radiant stars of love and brotherhood will shine over our great nation with all their scintillating beauty”.

I felt, Dr. King’s, closing remarks should serve as cautionary words to a world that chose to focus on differences rather than the fundamental similarities of the human race.

Dr. King’s writings inspired me to read more about him and his brilliant leadership of the Civil Rights Movement and motivated me to do my part in my own community wherever I went. Dr. King’s speech “I Have a Dream” which was delivered on August 28, 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., that transformed American society and the world, remains my all-time favorite. The speech, I realize, has been the subject of numerous books, articles, and documentaries.

It is simply one of the most fascinating, thoughtful, and emotionally rousing speeches of modern times. I would not be surprised if it is one of the most quoted speeches in the world. I Have a Dream also has a universal appeal that speaks truth to all people of every nationality. Every time I watch videos of the speech or read its texts, I get goose-bumps, teary & feel something so profound that is very difficult to articulate. I Have a Dream, indeed, is a highly inspiring speech that gives tremendous hope to all people who are languishing under the brutal rules of wicked oppressors, ruthless dictators & discriminators.

As we observe the forty-seventh anniversary of Dr. King’s historical speech, may all of us be mindful of the human understanding and connection that Martin Luther King, Jr. strived to nurture throughout his life. Like all great speeches, the powerful message that he successfully transmitted through I Have a Dream is applicable today, to all people.

Let us recognize the fact that, with faith and determination, people around the world, to use Dr. King’s own words, “will be able to transform the jangling discords” of their nations “into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.”

Martin Luther King had a phenomenal dream.

LET’S WORK ON OURS COLLECTIVELY.

Fighting Racism, Prejudice and Inhumanity

As I read and hear of all the hope from around the world being bestowed upon, one man, Barack Obama, I wonder if there will be any hope left for ourselves. Don’t we have a responsibility to invest hope in ourselves? If we can muster enough hope in ourselves, maybe, the hope that we had for Obama will come to fruition. We Africans at home and around the world must strive to be the best at whatever livelihood we pursue. Respect for each other is indispensable and we must also be able to disagree without being condescending and unpleasant towards one another.

President Barack Obama on his current visit to Ghana, Africa, in his address speech, said, “Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at war. But for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. There are wars over land and wars over resources. And it is still far too easy for those without conscience to manipulate whole communities into fighting among faiths and tribes. These conflicts are a millstone around Africa’s neck. We all have many identities – of tribe and ethnicity; of religion and nationality. But defining oneself in opposition to someone who belongs to a different tribe, or who worships a different prophet, has no place in the 21st century. Africa’s diversity should be a source of strength, not a cause for division. We are all God’s children. We all share common aspirations – to live in peace and security; to access education and opportunity; to love our families, our communities, and our faith. That is our common humanity. That is why we must stand up to inhumanity in our midst. It is never justifiable to target innocents in the name of ideology. It is the death sentence of a society to force children to kill in wars. It is the ultimate mark of criminality and cowardice to condemn women to relentless and systematic rape”.

He continued explaining more about the honesty, transparency and good governance in all African countries that will undoubtedly lead to respect for humanity and prosperity for the entire nation.

He said, “Repression takes many forms, and too many nations are plagued by problems that condemn their people to poverty. No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves, or police can be bought off by drug traffickers. No business wants to invest in a place where the government skims 20 percent off the top, or the head of the Port Authority is corrupt. No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. That is not democracy, that is tyranny, and now is the time for it to end.”
As I have said so many times in my previous written comments, our problem, no matter how and when should be resolved and reconciled in our own traditional way without copying western political styles which will not blend in the African way of life.

The President asserted that notion when he said “We must start from the simple premise that Africa’s future is up to Africans”. No one can clean up and fix our own mess in our back yard, but ourselves. The President reitrated my word on that one when he reminded the Ghanaians his election winning truism ‘YES WE CAN’ He said, “Here is what you must know: the world will be what you make of it. You have the power to hold your leaders accountable, and to build institutions that serve the people. You can serve in your communities, and harness your energy and education to create new wealth and build new connections to the world. You can conquer disease, end conflicts, and make change from the bottom up. You can do that. Yes you can”.

Don’t we know that we need not be reminded that we take responsibility for our own destiny and country’s future? Well, it is easier said than done. Sometimes we need somebody to be stimuli for our innate wisdom to come to the fore. Here is what Mr Obama said to remind us, “Things can only be done if you take responsibility for your future. It won’t be easy. It will take time and effort. Opportunity won’t come from any other place, though – it must come from the decisions that you make, the things that you do, and the hope that you hold in your hearts. Freedom is your inheritance. Now, it is your responsibility to build upon freedom’s foundation”. I Also made a comment about those people who wrote letters to the President and prominent figures that it will not change the policies regarding the atrocities being committed by our own government, I feel sorry for them that their applications fell on to deaf ears from what Mr Obama emphasised here, “it is our own responsibility”.

He told the Ghanaians, “Make no mistake: history is on the side of these brave Africans, and not with those who use coups or change Constitutions to stay in power. Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions. America will not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation – the essential truth of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny. We have a responsibility to support those who act responsibly and to isolate those who don’t, and that is exactly what America will do. As I said earlier, Africa’s future is up to Africans.
The people of Africa are ready to claim that future. In my country, African-Americans – including so many recent immigrants – have thrived in every sector of society. We have done so despite a difficult past, and we have drawn strength from our African heritage”.
The culprit: Africa, more or less, has inherited foreign culture, become largely westernized or asianized. Almost 90% of Africans today continue to buy, sell and wear western outfits, rather than African traditional clothes, and all that it has to impose or offer. We no longer care about our roots, villages, languages, cultures and inheritances. We despise ourselves, despise and denigrate our fellow Africans if they exhibit themselves wearing their cultural outfits and aspire only to compare ourselves with all that is not us or to be like those who are not like us.

No wonder everyone is scrambling to grab pieces of Africa because we are not prepared and committed to treasure and protect our own backyard and our own brothers and sisters and allowing foreign aids to corrupt us and not being recognized as equals in the eyes of those who render their alms.

This brings me to the question of the International Criminal Court (ICC) which is a good model for the administration of international justice beyond the borders of sovereign states, western double standards and arrogance have made it irrelevant and this in-turn has made it possible for Africans to go soft on our despots.

The western society, Americans, wouldn’t allow or permit even their lowest citizen to be tried by the ICC. How come they want African leaders to be tried by the ICC? One has to ask the bigger question we are facing today: why are the indictments mainly against African leaders and/ or rebels? Africa doesn’t have a monopoly on atrocities. What about “the three stooges”, George W. Bush, Britain’s former Prime Minister Tony Blair and his Australian counterpart John Howard, who have created axis of evil reigniting the sixteen century “triangle trade” or the transatlantic slave trade era of slavery rule of law in the twenty-first century; lied to the world community about what they called weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in order to silence, oust and kill those who opposed their policies; they committed unforeseen atrocities against humanity, displaced so many families, murdered, tortured and incarcerated millions of children, men and women around the world. Why wouldn’t they be persecuted and appear before the World’s Court? Who are the governing body of the so called world court, “ICC”?

“I don’t admit that a great wrong has been done to the Red Indians of America or the black people of Australia by the fact that a stronger race, a higher grade race, has come in and taken its place”-Winston Churchill to the Palestine Royal Commission, 1937.

What comes out, of all of this, is what most Africans see as organized hypocrisy, selective justice, orchestrated double standards, and a refusal by the western world to see and treat African blacks as equals and responsible.
Don’t get me wrong that I am not complacent, approving or taking pride in the abuse of law, justice and freedom committed by the leader in my country and leaders of some African countries but besides living through it in my daily life, this injustice brings tears to my eyes that how in broad day light the principle on which the ICC was formed categorically ignored.

Alike Iraq or the Middle East, it seems that the primary motive underpinning the cries of Darfur’s genocide is not a concern for humanity but to seek control of Sudan’s oil or to ensure the breakaway of South Sudan and Darfur. If the concern was highly motivated to save human lives, one would genuinely ask, what about the genocides committed in Rwanda, Uganda and Congo where millions of lives perished in an oil free country? Alternatively, this is to instigate a regime change that will impose a US- friendly government at the helm where Darfur to be used as justification by South Sudan to secede, China, Malaysia and India would lose significant sources of oil and investment. With all my conscience, I am regrettably forced to say that everyone is taking a free ride and profiteering at the expense of developing country’s genocides. One can only presume if Africa as, labeled “the Dark Continent”, a black country being ignored by the living opposites.

When people with different cultures and views live side by side, in the absence of effective interaction, it’s natural for them to make assumptions about the other. When such neighbouring groups compete over resources, or when there is conflict of interest, those assumptions develop into prejudices and bigotry.



Therefore, assumption, prejudices and bigotry are present in any diverse society and they often die out as interaction and interdependence among communities increase. But if and when one group dominates the other and imposes its cultural, political and economic will, those pre-existing assumptions and prejudices become fertile ground for dehumanization, discrimination and exploitation.

In other words, what we call racism today is a situation in which the powerful suppresses the powerless based on those pre-existing social differences. We cannot simply wish away bigotry and ethnic hatred; we must face it head on and deal with it.

The man we all admire or we either hate him or love him, for his ingenuity and conceptual contribution to today’s relative warfare, Albert Einstein said, “It is hard to crack a prejudice than an atom”. The Western democracy or and Australian practice has never been fair to black people; hopefully one day, like President Barack Obama, election of a black person as Prime Minister of Australia would finally be an audacity of hope being realized.

The recent Walk for Harmony, in July 2009 in Melbourne, Australia, was a tale of same, same but different! A lot of community and ethnic organizations have been left out because of the government’s failure to tackle racism issues and unfair deal in its judicial system.
All ethnic community groups in Melbourne should have taken part and allowed to address the crowd rather than being used to satisfy Victorian Premier’s political propaganda. The attacks against Indian students were the initial motivation to persuade the Premier to call “Walk for Harmony”.

Australia still remains to practice implicit racism cannily operated and very hard to amplify for those least affected and even harder when others imply hypocrisy and diplomatically character assassinate others because they are different. Former Telstra CEO, Sol Trujillo aggravated Australians for telling the truth on his departure when he said, “Australia is racist and backwards”. ( www.news.com.au/business/story/0,27753,25539478-462,00.html )

Mr Trujillo was not the only person who honestly revealed the truth about Australian racism. Sandy Gifford is a professor in the school of social sciences, La Trobe University and director of the La Trobe Refugee Research Centre who said on a Melbourne newspaper, “Australia is a racist society. There, I've said it. I've wanted to say this for the past 24 years — from the time I arrived here”. ( www.theage.com.au/opinion/lifting-the-veil-on-our-ingrained-racism-20090612-c637.html?page=-1 )

Another Victorian prominent figure, Waleed Aly, is an Australian lawyer, Muslim community leader, frequent 774 ABC Melbourne guest standing in for regular host Richard Stubbs, grew up in Melbourne's eastern suburbs and is a former student of Wesley College. He studied Engineering and Law at the University of Melbourne and an academic lecturer in politics at Monash University exposed his analysis of racism in areas of employment. ( www.watoday.com.au/opinion/no-equal-opportunity-in-job-losses-20090130-7u0r.html?page=-1 )

The issues of race, class and identity are broad and I will not attempt to tackle them here, except the agreement we should all bear in mind that racism is not limited to color of one’s skin, but about shared values, cultural diversity, striving for social, economical, political, equality, justice and creating national and international solidarity for the disadvantaged. We are obsessed with the politics of race- a clear sign of inhumanity and disunity instead of discussing solutions on matters regarding unity, security, political progression and stability or the impact of globalization on the cultural dislocation of families.

One thing black people ought to know for sure that we can’t be free until we free ourselves. This can only be achieved through the power of learning and attaining knowledge, and pushing our self up as Obama, Colin Powell, Condoleezza Rice and others have done. Life will never be fair to all of us, if we just sit there and contemplate negative thoughts about everything, rather than directing our energy toward accentuating positive attitude and looking forward to a bright future.

Like many of our heroes, we need to persevere, be courageous and keep on fighting racism, prejudice and inhumanity until we turn things emulating the philosophy of Obamology- yes we can. Rejection or racial discrimination should not dissuade us. Instead, we should stirrup our dormant potentials and face any adversity without fear, of course, given the opportunity, allowing, accepting and welcoming us in the mainstream participation. We can be better and make our children’s and humanity’s better future if we wake up and start doing something now.

Let me share with you a story a friend told me. A man came across an old lady searching outside her house for a needle she lost inside. The man asked her why she was looking outside if she lost it inside. Her response was that there is no light inside. The man asked “what is easier, finding light for your house or searching outside where you know the needle is not there?" The situation in our day-to-day living with racism or and any adversity is similar, there are too many problems, but needless to say, the pertinent solution must come from inside not outside.

Let’s, therefore, motivate our people, people of the world, to become great achievers and tolerant instead of focusing on what those who don’t wish us well are doing.

Long live! Humanity before ethnicity. Remember, we all are African origin.

THE NEED TO FORGE BONDS IN DIASPORA COMMUNITY

I had always believed – as I had been taught – with great conviction, though perhaps foolishly, that Ethiopians were kind and generous to one another and even to foreign visitors. I certainly never, even in my wildest dreams, thought that Ethiopians could also be so hostile, so outrageously cruel and so humiliating to one another. Yes, even though I was one who occasionally accused Ethiopian political leaders and activists of recklessness and of leading weakly organized and dysfunctional organizations housed in shaky buildings constructed from cane and bamboo, with supporters who are lawless, scary militants, blindly following in the footsteps of their political leaders and of activists those who are not in peace with themselves and with each other, much to my astonishment and naïveté, however, I never envisioned that the sudden waves of optimism that came to light in 2005 might be replaced by additional shackles of hatred.

I honestly did not know that we Ethiopians could be so inhuman and so ready to obliterate those who refuse to be blind followers, who disagree with our self-centred and hidden ends and our feeble, vague organizations or political parties – political parties that have little or none of the necessary fundamental political structures, strategies, political maps and legal foundations. Nor did I know that we Ethiopians could be so terribly stubborn and jealous - unashamed liars who appear determined to trash and eliminate our own compatriots – not to maintain the territorial integrity of our country, to realize carefully planned socio-political and economic transformation, or to help educate Ethiopians about the terribly necessary modern political culture (a political culture that is entirely absent in the land we call Ethiopia and among the Ethiopian Diaspora community) or about the meaning and significance of democracy and accountability. Instead we do this for the most hazardous and frightening reasons – to support personal, family and group status and interests.

Isn’t this extremely frightening and depressing? What is most disturbing is that these cruel and shameless individuals call themselves “the gallant and true children of Ethiopia,” and do everything to convince us that they behave the way they do – engaging day in and day out in character assassination and false charges against known and unknown innocent individuals – because, they argue, they love their country, Ethiopia, enormously – more than anyone else. They also continue to insist that they are the ones who are capable of scaring Meles Zenawi’s regime, preventing them from handing over Ethiopia’s fertile land to Sudan and continuing the repression of our people at home. Maybe some of us just missed our old seat and want to regain it by complaining to the brink of self destruction.

More importantly and depressingly, however, the political events of May 2005 have magnified the long existing unhealed wounds and darkened the prospects for positive, relatively civil and respectful communication within the Ethiopian Diaspora community and Ethiopian society at large. Yes, even though most Ethiopian political activists and the unorganized interest groups would prefer to tell us otherwise – saying that the May 2005 election helped to expose the repressive nature of Meles Zenawi’s regime and weakened its political and economic position, both nationally and internationally – in fact in concrete terms, for the majority of Ethiopians both at home and abroad, the direct and indirect repercussions of the May 2005 election and the subsequent turmoil of the past four years have been costly, dreadful, tragic and full of disappointment and embarrassment.



Many in the Ethiopian Diaspora community came to regard it as either a leisure time activity or as a pastime of “see-ra-fe-to-ch/ bo-ze-ne-wo-ch,” those who have little or nothing else to do.
the reputation of being nothing more than “barking dogs that are unable to bite.” the most important factors and actors that have persistently, perhaps even permanently, prevented the Ethiopian Diaspora community from becoming a collective, harmonious force with a single face, a community that is both respected and proud of itself and its activities, and has kept it from playing a meaningful role that contributes to mending bridges among community members and to alleviating Ethiopia’s multiple, prolonged suffering.

We attempt to imitate the systems, political and democratic models of other nations, to implement them in our own land and incorporate them into our minds, but we fail to first understand and deal with the cardinal foundations and requirements of the many-sided components of democracy and democratic patterns and principles, and to consider and study their appropriateness to our situation, the openness of our culture and our socio-culturally molded attitudes and mindsets.

Not just to initiate new discourses and educate ourselves, but first of all to stress the urgent need to think and look critically, either individually or collectively, at the historical components that have shaped Ethiopian culture and molded our uncompromising, irreconcilable and sometimes vindictive attitudes and uncaring behaviours.

Through such engagement, after addressing the root causes of our inabilities to forge bonds, live and work together and find the remedies we need, and after inculcating concepts of respect, trust, confidence, accountability and shared responsibility for each other – combined with a mindset among the members of our society that includes a sense of belonging, a feeling of nationhood – we can achieve a basis for democracy and democratic systems to gradually take root in the land of Ethiopia.

There is an increasing difference within the community in terms of educational background and the extent of involvement in Ethiopian Diaspora politics. A more crucial element in relation to Diaspora politics, which I would like to see taken under consideration by the Ethiopian Diaspora community – especially if we are willing to make a serious attempt to forge bonds among ourselves, become a socially and politically influential community and play a meaningful role in helping ourselves and possibly also our country – is to issue calls underlining the urgent need for the establishment of a common, single House for the Ethiopian Diaspora, a professional institution, free from any direct or indirect influence from any political party, with visions and strategies, systems and rules – systems and rules that reward and obligate its members to serve, provide support and comply.

This would be an institution within which we can all educate ourselves; provide the means and the required material and educational tools to help in the development and expansion of civil society in our country; rebuild the badly needed trust, confidence and accountability among ourselves; engage in positive and constructive discourse and research about the many sided positive and negative cultural elements of our society; redress previous wrongdoing; and fashion new and helpful tools and strategies that will help to heal wounds, whether long existing or freshly inflicted, upon particular sections and generations of Ethiopian society.

Within such an institution we can produce acceptable, maturely written policies relevant to our contemporary political challenges and debates about the process of democratization, the development and role of civil society and the future face and direction of our country and its people, and we can rebuild the badly needed respect and love among ourselves. Such an institution is also needed to help maintain and expand our long-established positive cultural elements and use these to fashion a new political culture, extending our cultural patterns to include habits of working and living together with accountability and responsibility.

This will allow us not only to influence the forces and processes of future socio-economic and political changes in our country, both directly and indirectly, but to play an indispensable part, with a meaningful, positive, substantial role in helping and defending each member of our community in times of personal or collective difficulty, no matter how severe.

That’s the change we want!

PROPOSITION FOR ALL ETHIOPIAN OPPOSITION PARTIES

All opposition parties to, ideologically not politically, engage in a unified, peaceful, honest and transparent behaviour to reflect their philosophy of governance, to the people starting now and leading up to their nomination in the election process in order to create a sustainable government for Ethiopia without going at each others throat.

Whatever ethnic he might be that person will be the people’s choice, elected by the people, for the people and governs the people democratically until the next election. There will not be despotism and draconian style rule of business as usual, once elected continue to govern until forcefully evicted causing catastrophic atrocities.

Our main concern at present however is not about what we currently witness happening but rather what we failed to see happening. The single most important absence, at least to our knowledge, is the stepping up of mutual consultation and engagement among various opposition political forces. The fact that each strives to solely realize one’s own organizational objective without paying due attention to the larger governing possibility could only lead down the road to a chaotic situation and not to a viable political alternative. It is an objective fact that each has got its own perspective through the prism of which it is looking at the current situation in the country. Besides, be it big or small, each are presumed to have their own respective constituencies the interest of whose social segment they claim to be representing. At the same time, most of opposition political groups are believed to share a very strong anti-Woyanne stance that provides them with a solid common ground upon which they can build their shared strategy and tactics.

Holding serious negotiations among various opposition groups that aim at developing a joint political platform that reflects an optimum combination of those diverse interests, in our opinion, is long overdue. The ideal scenario at about this time should have been the clear articulation of a transition modality that is arrived at through a thoroughly conducted negotiation among various groups of opposition forces. As for us, we see no alternative to such a concerted move. Besides, we would still like to reiterate that unless we manage to establish such a nucleus within the soonest time possible, it is difficult to believe that opposition forces are seriously providing our people with any meaningful practical alternative. For the successful realization of such a lofty objective, some may be required to address in-house challenges first like the tendency towards fragmentation we regrettably witnessed around OLF and Kinjit. We see no reason why some may not be able to transcend the hitherto existing minor differences and come together especially in the face of the currently prevalent troubling situation in the country. In fact, they ought to have long understood that the petty differences they are obsessed with are so trivial to merit any attention this time let alone leading to the squandering of whatever political capital this organization has built over the course of so many years.

Our emphasis on such a collaborative effort however does not mean that we underestimate the significance of those familiar activities we mentioned herein before. In fact, remarkable achievements have already been scored through the medium of those engagements by a group of opposition leaders that operate inside the country. These leaders, during their engagement with the representatives of the Netherlands government, publicly humiliated and tossed out the representative of UEDP-Medhin, an organization everyone in the country knows to be an appendage of Woyanne, from among their rank as opposition group. This is truly a remarkable achievement that unbelievably has a long term impact on other subsequent manipulations intended to be staged by Woyanne.

UEDP-Medhin being measured to its proper size and texture publically henceforth has got only itself to fool around by impersonating opposition political forces. The place it belongs clearly designated now, it can freely proceed with its intended course of self-deception by continuing to preside over Woyanne organized public gatherings as its own. Like it is for every other stunt actors, this particular group of political stunts seems destined to shoulder all too demanding tasks on behalf of Woyanne. The only difference being, political stunts toil at the forefront for the ultimate benefit of the back stage manipulators while in the film industry they constitute an essential part of the whole.

If things go as planned, our sources indicate, UEDP-Medhin is poised to be declared as “opposition party” that scored a significant gain only next to Woyanne in the forthcoming election. Then, of course, updates on the negotiations to be held with this “opposition party” on the possibilities of forming a “coalition government” will be orchestrated and released in a carefully measured way.

We welcome and wholeheartedly support the holding or organizing of different discussion forums as we strongly believe that the kind of understanding we yearned for our politicians earlier could only be achieved through such engagement. Such discussion forums however in as much as they are expected to promote understanding, unless we handle them prudently, could also end up being the venue for sowing discord among people or derailing the issue from its proper track though the intention of the organizers at any rate may be far from that.

We consider such formulation of discussion topic like “How conducive is the political climate to hold a free and fair election in 2010?” to be more helpful and engaging than say such a formulation like “peaceful or armed struggle”. Our reason is plain and simple. The latter one derails the focus of political discourse by putting primacy on methods of struggle before we are able to clearly articulate the very cause we need to struggle for in the first place. The former approach encourages free and open discussions while the latter one deters people from freely expressing their views. Besides, the latter kind of issue formulation tends to wrongly associate or attach “peaceful” with the group in power while depicts the others as may be pondering over to opt for “armed struggle” thus blurring the real picture one could get if one focuses on the objective assessment of the current situation in the country. The objective assessment of the current situation in the country, unlike what such a formulation suggests, places those mentioned forces in a diametrically opposite domain. Most of our people have rightly started to wonder whether ascending to power through armed struggle makes one susceptible to try to govern the country through that very means. Hence, the question of “armed struggle” may pertain more to Woyanne at present than it is for any other group as it seems engaged in a kind of “permanent armed struggle”

ONE ETHIOPIA FOR ALL!

SOLIDARITY IS THE ROAD MAP TO CHANGE

Ethiopia was built by our forefathers and foremothers who struggled and sacrificed so that we might live free and better. They shed their blood for centuries to keep our country free from colonial rule; secured our culture and civilization in religion, literature, music and art; maintained our unity and identity as a people and sowed religious and ethnic harmony among them; looked beyond our borders to promote African unity and solidarity; made Ethiopia the center of continental African affairs; insisted the cause of international law and justice before the League of Nations and made Ethiopia a founding member of the United Nations. Like Australia, Ethiopia was hewn from the granite of sacrifices made by ordinary men and women. We must also pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking Ethiopia.

Barack Obama said, “There is not a liberal America and a conservative America. There is the United States of America. There is not a black America and a white America and Latino America and Asian America. There's the United States of America.” He also said, “We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth.” Ethiopia is no different. There is no Oromo, Amhara, Tigray, Gurage, … Anuak Ethiopia. There is only one Ethiopia. Its history is shaped by its entire people, its culture and traditions reflect longstanding ties of family, kinship and ancestry.

Another pragmatic issue is an inter-party rivalry problem among the opposition parties. It has been common among the opposition that one opposition party makes a ferocious attack on another party and allegedly tries to sabotage, condemn and undermine the other. For example, ethnic based opposition parties, like the ruling party, have used ethnicity as a weapon to blame and intimidate the other ethnic opposition parties. However, if all opposition parties focus and extend the issue of ethnicity beyond its limits by putting aside the main national issue, then the evils of ethnicity (violence, genocide and so on) might shatter the country’s socio-economic conditions as manifested in perennial famine.

The other problem is personality differences of few opposition personnel. Some opposition parties rely on the charismatic appeal of single individual or few individuals, and decision making is highly centralized. As such, it is the enemy of democracy, and also it will be an obstacle to form coalition, cooperation and to work together with other oppositions. These kinds of parties face split whenever another rising star challenges the founder or the leader of the stronger party. Thus, personality conflicts of few opposition parties have contributed to the emergence of many fragmented political parties that we see both at home and abroad. Of course, the “divide and rule” and the “carrot and stick” policies of the ruling party is the main reason for this to occur and the fragmentation of opposition parties.

Apart from the dictatorial nature and power fixation of the ruling party, the problem of intra-party conflicts, inter-party rivalry and personality conflicts of all opposition groups that follow armed or peaceful struggle have undermined issue-based politics and reinforced the power of the regime. So far, the opposition parties both in the peaceful and armed struggle categories have failed to take a unified stand and miserably failed to coordinate their efforts, giving the current government a chance to use fake elections to perpetuate its rule. Now, it is time for change and all opposition parties to take note of the aforementioned problems and refrain from doing them again. Now, it is not the time to raise the past misdeeds. It is not the time to form a fragmented new opposition parties. Now, it is the time to put aside all that might separate or distract us and focus on freeing Ethiopia as the top overriding issue. Now is the time for all Ethiopians back home and abroad with their ethnic communities and all political parties to start a civil dialogue among themselves to reconcile their differences with the view to form solidarity, if possible or to show willingness for cooperation and collaboration with the aim of living together as a cohesive community and together able to form a transformed New Ethiopia. The cooperation and coordination of all ethnic Ethiopians, communities and all opposition parties is very vital to galvanize a new renaissance that will be able to expose the misdeeds of the ruling party, at the same time, facilitate the struggle against the regime. The grand strategy of solidarity, cooperation, and coordination accompanied by actions of all opposition parties will help to achieve its objectives and defeat the ruling party without violence. Moreover, now is the time even for some “phony oppositions” sponsored by the ruling party to join in the really united opposition parties to free and form New Ethiopia.

The destiny of Ethiopians and Ethiopia is not shaped by petty and small-minded power hungry individuals or by begging foreign countries to cleanup our own back yard but by the courage and sacrifices of its people who has a long standing history of patriotism to crash its invaders united as one. We can repeat that history in the coming election by being united to form the new democratically elected government of Ethiopia without bloodshed. “YES WE CAN”. Why fake it, when we can make it! I think we should congratulate the people of Ghana for continuously showing courage, patience and patriotism in their people’s and party’s unity in forming new governments at every election.

This is our time to answer the questions for this and coming generations, to stand up and declare to ourselves and to the world that the stale political arguments of ethnic division and hatred that have consumed us for so long no longer apply; that the lines of ethnicity, language, religion, class will be deleted from our hearts and our minds. It is time for all Ethiopians back home and around the world and their respective ethnic communities to come together and open their heart for a dialogue of understanding and attain a consensus to compromise each other and embrace the politics of solidarity and practice the divine arts of reconciliation, respect, mutual concern, appreciation and love for each other.

TIME FOR CHANGE!

Time For Change

Endless feuding and infighting from the grassroots level on upwards have made it difficult for Ethiopians to attain the organic solidarity necessary to build and sustain the institutions necessary for democracy. I think it is imperative that pro-democracy activists make awareness of intra-group conflict a top priority in the struggle for democracy. But before I make my case, I would like to describe the nature of the problem in greater detail.

Here are a few interesting points. First, the intra-group conflicts we see in Ethiopian collectives are seldom caused by differences in ideology, organizational structure, or other substantive reasons. Nor are they confined to organizations whose members come from a wide variety of backgrounds and perspectives. Indeed, the most virulent conflicts occur in apparently homogenous groups whose memberships have not only similar ideologies, but similar frames of reference, perspectives, and interests. The current ethnic related conflict, for the most part, is an example of this.

Another interesting point is that such conflicts occur just as much in the Ethiopian Diaspora as they do in Ethiopia. This is interesting because, in the Diaspora, factors such as poverty, political oppression, lack of education, etc., do not exist.

Finally, intra-group conflicts are not restricted to organizations of a political nature. They are found in all types of Ethiopian collectives. We can observe chronic feuding and infighting in families, extended families, non-political civic organizations such as professional associations, churches, local community organizations, charity organizations, and others.

So, why is there so much intra-group conflict, characterized by personal feuds and infighting in Ethiopian society? And when there is conflict, why is conflict resolution so difficult? One explanation is that we have been brought up in an environment where certain dysfunctional behaviors that hamper effective communication and cause conflict are the norm. Below is a list of some of these behaviors that I have observed. I ask readers to reflect on whether you have seen them in yourself; in others; in meetings and other group settings.

• Personalization of issues (ha-sa-bu ye-ne-ne-woo): This is when we are unable to conceptually distinguish between people and their ideas or thoughts. For example, if someone objects to a suggestion I make, I see the objection as personal attack, not as a simple difference of opinion. In response to the perceived personal attack, I respond with a personal attack, instead of discussing the issues. Hence, the initial disagreement over ideas turns into a personal struggle, and because it is a personal struggle where pride and survival are at stake, we end up unable to constructively ‘agree to disagree’. Groups whose members find it difficult to ‘agree to disagree’ become paralyzed by feuding and infighting and eventually collapse.

• Parochialism (we-ge-na-wi-ne-t or ze-re-gna-ne-t): We tend to irrationally favor those from our own kin or we-ge-n—family, village, team, and ethnic group— no matter what the cost. For example, if a person from my we-ge-n has a conflict with a stranger (be’a-da), a person outside my we-ge-n, I automatically favor my colleague, no matter what the substance of the disagreement. Furthermore, I extend the conflict to a dislike of the stranger and his entire we-ge-n—his family, friends, place of employment, ethnic group, etc. This is the root of blood feuds (de-m). Parochialism within organizations leads to ineffectiveness, as decisions are made based on who supports the decisions, rather than on their merit. It also leads to organizations being split into smaller and smaller factions, and eventually collapsing. For example, an organization may split into two main factions. Factions will develop within those factions, and further splitting will occur, until the organization fails.

• Chronic suspicion and mistrust (tee-ree-ta-re): We view each other first and foremost as potential threats. With such a heightened level of threat-awareness, any idea or thought, no matter how innocuous, is quickly considered to have negative ulterior motives behind it. Even the most innocent comments by the closest of friends can be misinterpreted as sinister, resulting in the breakup of fruitful relationships. This behavior is a fundamental cause of conflict in a group setting. By definition, no group can be effective without trust.

• Paranoia: As we view everyone as a threat, we tend to disproportionately develop a paranoid outlook in our interaction with others, with the ‘threat’ foremost in our minds in all our interactions. This paranoia, in a group setting, results in organizational paralysis, with everyone looking over their shoulder and hesitant, instead of working towards the common goal.

• Lack of empathy and understanding: Empathy, the ability to identify with or understand others’ situation, feelings, and actions, is critical for effective communication and teamwork. However, in Ethiopian society, we are not sensitized to the importance of empathy. We do not ask questions such as ‘what in his background might have caused him to react this way’, or ‘what would I have done in his shoes’. This leads us to make erroneous judgements based on incomplete understandings, which leads to misunderstanding and conflict within groups.

• Lack of suspending judgement or giving others the benefit of the doubt: Suspending judgement is fundamental to effective communication. Unfortunately, the combination of chronic suspicion and lack of empathetic understanding lead to the absence of awareness about the concept of suspending judgement and giving others the benefit of the doubt. If someone does something we do not understand, we do not ask, ‘Perhaps there is something he knows that I don’t,’ or ‘Let me wait and see before making a judgement.’ We judge hastily, without taking time to examine all possibilities. This results in erroneous judgements and personal conflicts.

• Character assassination (si-m ma-tee-fa-t/ alu-ba-l-ta/ we-re-gna-ne-t): Rather than addressing conflict directly, we chronically spread rumours and innuendo about those with whom we disagree. We engage in character assassination because we know that it is an effective weapon in our society. Since we do not give each other the benefit of the doubt, we tend to believe bad things about others! A strategy of muddying someone’s reputation will render them useless, as people will simply have had their existing suspicions confirmed. Obviously, character assassination quickly leads to infighting and paralysis in groups, a scenario with which most of us are familiar.

• Lack of openness (ya-le-me-te-ma-me-n): Openness facilitates effective communication. As Ethiopians, we are not open and forthcoming about our thoughts and expect the same guarded approach from others. This is related to our lack of empathy, which makes us afraid of being judged hastily and incorrectly if we speak openly. This fear leads us to be initially vague, unclear, and non-committal, which inevitably leads to communication gaps and communication breakdown, as others persistently try to interpret the hidden meaning of what we say, and often end up interpreting negatively and incorrectly. Lack of openness leads to misunderstanding and conflict.

• Holding grudges (qee-m me-ya-z/ me-que-ye-m): We tend to chronically hold on to personal grudges. Understanding or forgiveness of perceived affronts is seen as weakness, as it is assumed that everyone is and remains to be a threat. In a group setting, there are bound to be conflicts, and if people hold on to grudges, there can be no effective teamwork.

• Envy (qee-na-t/ mee-que-gnee-ne-t): We hate it when others are better off than us in any context, but instead of struggling to improve our own lot, we work to reduce others’! This comes from our ingrained perception that everything in life is a zero-sum game. If someone is rich, it is because another is poor. If someone is happy, it is because another is sad. It is as if the world has been allotted a fixed amount of wealth, happiness, etc., and it has been ordained that everyone should have more or less the same amount. Failing this, the ones with more must have committed some kind of crime to improve their lot and the ones who have less must be cursed.

• Stubbornness and lack of compromise (gee-tee-ree-ne-t and ya-le-me-s-ma-ma-t): Because of our zero-sum view of the world, compromise is seen as a weakness. We do not understand the concept of compromise as a building block for future win-win endeavors. Instead, compromise is seen as a loss forever.

I am sure that all of us have seen first hand these behaviors manifested in various contexts. We have also seen the resulting conflicts in our various collectives, from families to religious groups to political organizations.

On the other hand, most of us in the Diaspora have been exposed to non-Ethiopian collectives where, generally speaking, such conflicts occur far less often. We have also observed that these collectives are, as a result, far more effective and efficient than Ethiopian collectives.

In order to bring Ethiopian collectives, including Ethiopian pro-democracy and human rights organizations such as KUSA and KIL, to this level, it is crucial that we find a way to raise awareness that intra-group conflict is a fundamental barrier to democracy, to put an end to our dysfunctional group behaviors, and to promote positive, constructive behaviors that reduce conflict, increase our capacity for conflict resolution, and increase collective consciousness and organic solidarity.

To this end, as a first step, I suggest that all organizations draft a code of conduct document. The aim of this document should be primarily to raise awareness about dysfunctional behaviors, the problem of intra-group conflict, and the importance of effective communication. In addition, the code of conduct should provide guidelines of behavior and conduct, along with explanations for the guidelines.

My second suggestion is that there should be a collective attempt to stigmatize dysfunctional behaviors in our everyday lives. For example, we must make it tee-lee-k ne-woor to attack anyone personally instead of addressing issues. We must not only refuse to listen to character assassination, but openly chastise and correct those who do it. In a charitable and constructive manner, of course, we have to keep in mind that most of us engage in such behavior almost unknowingly, because of the culture we have grown up in. Unless sensitized to the ramifications of such speech and actions, we cannot become fully aware of the consequences. We need to change our attitude in general.

I believe that these two actions alone will result in a significant reduction in the chronic feuding and infighting in our collectives and organizations. The resulting increase in organic solidarity and collective consciousness will, in due course, crowd out dictatorship at all levels of our society, including the political. The democratic culture at the grassroots will end up being reflected at the national level.

Indeed, imagine Diaspora pro-democracy groups devoid of feuding and infighting. They would make great strides in improving the prospects for democracy in Ethiopia. Imagine that behaviors such as suspicion and paranoia were no longer the norm in Ethiopia. Dictatorship, which thrives on suspicion and paranoia, would disappear shortly.

Doing away with dysfunctional behaviors and intra-group conflict is the only way to achieve democracy. To those who believe in democracy for Ethiopia, I say, we need an all-out campaign for change: Let us declare war on dysfunctional behaviors!

Time for change!